Ciaran’s Peculier [sic] Blog

A view of the world from an Irish hole

Category: Guatemala

Good news from Guatemala

From Guatemala comes the welcome news that four men have finally been arrested for their part in the notorious Plan de Sanchez massacre of July 1982, in which 268 innocent people lost their lives. This even occurred during the blood-stained regime of General Efraim Rios Montt, The Guatemalan army had been fighting various left-wing guerrillas for over two decades, and Rios Montt and many of the country’s pampered elite believed they were receiving the backing of Guatemala’s indigenous population. On grabbing the presidency he instituted new policies for the war, including the burning of crops and whole villages, as well as the establishment of local vigilante groups or Self Defence Patrols or Petrullas de Autodefensa Civil (PAC) who would work with the army in their fight against the insurgents. Many of these patrols were made up of indigenous Guatemalans, who were thus being insinuated, often against their will, into the struggle against the guerrillas. The inhabitants of the village of Plan de Sanchez in the country’s central highlands refused to join up, not necessarily because they sympathised with the guerrillas, but because they found that the persistent struggle for survival took up much of their time. They were increasingly victimised for their recalcitrance and their complaints to the authorities were often met by fines, leading many of the men to leave the village for the surrounding mountains.

 Market day in Plan de Sanchez

 Sunday 18 July was the day of Plan de Sanchez’s weekly market that attracted visitors from other villages and the surrounding countryside. Early in the morning other visitors appeared on the scene: uniformed soldiers accompanied by men from the Self-Defence patrols (PAC). Forstly they fired two artillery rounds at the villagers, causing sever panic and several injuries. They then proceeded to rough up the village’s inhabitants and to carry out house-to-house searches. Then, in the afternoon, an ominous event occurred when they sealed off the village, preventing anyone from entering, or more important, from leaving. The villagers were collected and the young girls were separated and moved to a house in the village. Here they were interrogated, abused, beaten, raped and finally killed. Meanwhile the remaining villagers were housed separately. The older inhabitants were subjected to intensive physical beatings, after which they were killed. These obscene salami tactics continued with the separation of the young children and even babies as young as nine months old from their parents.  The soldiers did not think them worth a bullet; instead they either had their heads bashed in with rifle butts or they were swung against the ground with such force that their skulls cracked. The only ones left were the women and such men as had not fled from the village. A grenade was thrown in to the house where they were packed. The explosion started a fire, but just to make sure no one got out, the house was surrounded and sprayed repeatedly with automatic fire. Anyone who attempted to leave the village was shot. The visitors eventually left before midnight, having murdered at least 268 people.

 Identification and burial

 The next day those who had fled from the village, as well as the handful who had managed to conceal themselves or escape the killing returned. It was impossible to identify the bodies of the burnt. Many had already been partly eaten by dogs and other wild animals. In the afternoon the visitors returned. They forced the villagers they found there at gun point to hastily dig eight graves into which the victims were piled. Surprisingly, these witnesses of the atrocity were not killed; they were only threatened with death. Any houses that had not been consumed by the flames were ransacked and then set on fire.

A code of enforced silence

The soldiers left the field of carnage and lust they had created, though they threatened the survivors that they would suffer dreadful reprisals if they spoke of the events. Then they left, followed gradually by the survivors who left Plan de Sanchez a smoking ruin, suffused with the stench of burning flesh. In subsequent years a handful of the villagers drifted back and the military allowed them to resettle, on condition that they maintained their silence and joined the Self-Defence patrols.

 The search for justice thwarted

 It is difficult to conceal horrid feats. It took ten years, and the return of Guatemala to a form of civilian rule, (though under military tutelage) before attempts were made to launch a criminal investigation. These came to nothing, as witnesses were often intimidated or killed, while the Guatemalan judiciary showed a marked lack of appetite to pursue justice. In 1996 came the formal end of the hostilities that led to the massacre. Unfortunately, one of the terms demanded by the military before they’d agree to a peace settlement was a blanket amnesty for their misdeeds.

 A glimmer of hope

 In 2000 the then president of Guatemala Alfonso Portillo admitted government involvement and promised to pay relatives of the survivors compensation, but still the Guatemalan courts or police refused to get involved. 

Alvaro Colom

The election of the centre-left Alvaro Colom as president in 2008 ushered in a new willingness to address the problem of justice delayed being justice denied. The two men arrested are Lucas Tecu, military commisioner in the region when the massacre occurred and three PAC members Mario Julian Acoj, Eusebio Grave Galeano and Santos Rosales Garcia.  This is a start, but the overall responsibility for the events of that day in July n nearly thirty years’ ago include far more people, not all of them present in the village.

 The beginning or the end?

 These arrests are a start, but one worries that they may mark the end of the search for justice. President Colom’s term is coming to an end. His likely successor is Retired General Otto Perez Medina.  Guatemala

Perez Medina

 is a country racked by violent crime, much of it drug related (and some carried out by former members of the security forces who have found peace and lack of impunity for their crimes not to their liking), Retired General Perez promises to strike hard at criminals. Only a fool would believe he will fail to protect some of his former colleagues, especially if a full inquiry into past crimes were to reveal just how deeply the Guatemalan army is dyed with the blood of the innocent.

Is justice finally coming to Guatemala?

History was made this week in Guatemala: for the first time the perpetrators of mass murder have been convicted of their crimes. These were four soldiers who were found guilty of taking part in the massacre of Dos Erres in December 1982 when over two hundred peasants, many of them women, children and old people, were killed by the Guatemalan army during the short-lived but bloody regime of General Efraim Rios Montt.

The Rios Montt regime

 A struggle between various left-wing guerrillas and the military government of Guatemala had been going on since the early ‘60s with the Guatemalan army, backed by the United States and Israel  committing ever more disgusting violations of human rights.  Rios Montt was a career soldier who had dabbled in politics. Many observers felt that he had actually won the 1974 presidential election as candidate for the Christian Democrat party, but was denied victory by massive fraud. He came to power in June 1982 in a palace coup promising to pursue the war with

Efraim Rios Montt

... and the same to you!

renewed rigour. In 1968 he had left the Catholic faith, as like many conservative elements he believed that it had been taken over by “Marxists” and joined the American-based fundamentalist Pentecostal Church of the Word or Verbo Church, in which he became a lay preacher. When he took power he stated in his inaugural address that his presidency was the wish of God – and if God had demurred he would probably have been tortured and shot. His policy was summed up in three words: frijoles y fusiles: beans and guns. In other words: if you‘re with us you will be fed; if you are against us, you’ll be shot. Among those singled out for special treatment were the dirt poor indigenous Guatemalans. Centuries of discrimination at the hands of the Creole dominated governments, whether military or civilian, made them sympathetic to the guerrillas, but most found the backbreaking struggle for survival took up all their time. Any area of the countryside considered friendly to the guerrillas was subjected to a scorched-earth policy, whereby villages were burned to the ground, livestock killed and crops destroyed. The inhabitants – those who were not killed immediately – were often herded into concentration camps. Because Rios Montt was fighting a “communist-inspired” insurgency, as well as his links to the American right through his Christian fundamentalist beliefs, he enjoyed the support of the American government and CIA,

The massacre at Dos Erres

Peten

In late October twenty-one members of the military were killed and some weapons stolen in an ambush in the northern province of Petén. The landscape was dominated by swamps, jungle and lagoons and inhabited largely by subsistence farmers belonging to the Maya ethnic group. The army was itching for reprisals and early in the morning of December 6th members of the Kaibiles, the Guatemalan equivalent of the SAS entered the village of Doss Erres disguised as guerrillas.  They were convinced that many of the villagers belonged to the guerrillas or were concealing information about them. Male villagers were separated from women and children. They were corralled in the village church and school and subjected to brutal interrogation while the village was searched. No incriminating material – and crucially no weapons – could be found and the soldiers began to grow frustrated. The children were separated from their parents and were dispatched, often by having their head bashed against trees. Then it was the turn of the old and the womenfolk, who were usually raped prior to being killed. The last to die were the men. This went on for three days until the whole of the village’s population had been annihilated and their bodies thrown into a well. Apparently the last to die was a young girl brought off as a sort of trophy, gang raped and then strangled. 

 By wiping out the village and its population the soldiers and their superiors in the government hoped to erase any memory of what had happened at Dos Erres. However word did get out. The events were publicised by human rights groups but the Guatemalan army denied any responsibility, even though the country returned to nominal civilian rule in 1986. A peace deal ending the war was signed in 1996 but it included an amnesty for soldiers who had committed crimes during the war. In 1998 the Inter-American Court of Human Rights found that the amnesty did not cover seriou8s crimes such as genocide or mass killing. It was only in 2000, eighteen years after the massacre, that the then Guatemalan president, Alfonso Portillo, admitted that the Guatemalan army had been involved in the killings at Dos Erres and offered the victims’ relatives cash compensation.

Who was really responsible?

The real instigator of these crimes, Rios Montt, is still alive and is, by all accounts, hail and hearty as he goes into the eighty-sixth year of his miserable life. Even though he was deposed in 1983 he went on to become the speaker of the legislature and to stand for the presidency in 2003 in which he received 11% of the vote. In 2007 he was elected to the legislature and so enjoys parliamentary immunity from criminal proceedings. An attempt was made to pursue him through the Spanish courts, but this was thwarted due to the obfuscation of Rios Montt’s lawyers.

It is reckoned that as many as ten thousand people were killed during the time Rios Montt was president, the vast majority innocent bystanders in a conflict over which they had no control. What is more, just as the brutal repression of the Guatemalan people did not begin with Rios Montt but simply grew in intensity, neither did it end with his ouster.

Has justice been done?

One may ask whether such judgements are useful. What good does it do the victims? Should we not forget the past? It is important that those who carry out such barbarous acts should be punished and should not think that the passage of time exonerates them. They must be shown that the murder of the defenceless and the innocent will not go unnoticed by the civilised world.

The convictions of some of those involved in the Dos Erres massacre is but a start. The pursuit of those responsible for other massacres during Rios Montt’s time, such as those in the village of Plan de Sanchez, have been delayed because the judges have not found sufficient evidence for conviction. For far too long Guatemala has been bathed in a culture of impunity, created and maintained by its judiciary. Its courts are staffed by judges who make judgements in the interests of their patrons. Not only have the victims of the army looked for justice in vain. So too have the families of the girls and women who have disappeared, probably murdered. These people died not because of their political views, but solely because of their gender. The price of human life in Guatemala is still ridiculous low, compared to the price of justice.

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